Francis Fukuyama is the Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow at Stanford University’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. He has previously taught at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University and at the George Mason University School of Public Policy. Fukuyama was a researcher at the RAND Corporation and served as the deputy director for the State Department’s policy planning staff. He is the author of Political Order and Political Decay, The Origins of Political Order, The End of History and the Last Man, Trust, and America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy. He lives with his wife in California.
The New York Times bestselling author of The Origins of Political Order offers a provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for domestic and international affairs of state
In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American institutions were in decay, as the state was progressively captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to “the people,” who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.
Demand for recognition of one’s identity is a master concept that unifies much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is based has been increasingly challenged by narrower forms of recognition based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious “identity liberalism” of college campuses, and the emergence of white nationalism. Populist nationalism, said to be rooted in economic motivation, actually springs from the demand for recognition and therefore cannot simply be satisfied by economic means. The demand for identity cannot be transcended; we must begin to shape identity in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy.
Identity is an urgent and necessary book―a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continuing conflict.
##福山在本书前言的第一句就开门见山地写道,如果特朗普没有当选总统,他就不会写这本书了。这完全可以理解。 是欣赏他敢于对抗政治正确的禁忌也好,是出于两害相权取其轻的考量也罢,无论是基于什么样的理由,假如像特朗普这样一个人物都能够当选美国总统,本身就说明美国民主制...
评分##用这个逻辑是不是也能justify,democracy是某锅中产或受高等教育liberal寻求thymos的工具,过度挑战nationalism话语对底层群众不利?
评分 评分##前四分之三很精彩,把哲学、社会学、心理学等等统一到了Identity的框架下来解释历史如何一步步走到当下。最后提出解决方案的时候却有点力不从心,顶层设计的理想大过社会现实与人性弱点。全球化和互联网是人类从未面对过的挑战,只能hope for the best, prepare for the worst了。
评分##fukuyama 近作。以dignity/ identity 的角度出发讨论了世界最近发生的问题- 左翼力量的下降/女权运动/伊斯兰极端主义/民粹民族主义/individualism等等。广却不深。可以作为知识积累的一本书,通俗好读,案例丰富 ,可以安利做闲暇阅读。
评分 评分 评分 评分##能用阶级矛盾解释的问题 披上身份的外皮
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