發表於2025-04-30
Daron Acemoglu is the Elizabeth and James Killian Professor of Economics at MIT. In 2005 he received the John Bates Clark Medal, given to economists under age forty judged to have made the most significant contribution to economic thought and knowledge, in 2012 he was awarded the Erwin Plein Nemmers Prize in economics for work of lasting significance, and in 2016 he received the BBVA Frontiers of Knowledge Award in economics, finance, and management for his lifetime contributions.
James A. Robinson, a political scientist and economist, is one of nine University Professors at the University of Chicago. Focused on Latin America and Africa, he is currently conducting research in Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone, Haiti, and Colombia, where he has taught for many years during the summer at the University of the Andes in Bogotá.
Liberty is hardly the "natural" order of things. In most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Liberty emerges only when a delicate and precarious balance is struck between state and society.
There is a happy Western myth that political liberty is a durable construct, a steady state, arrived at by a process of "enlightenment." This static view is a fantasy, the authors argue; rather, the space to attain and maintain liberty stays open only via a fundamental and incessant struggle between state and society. The power of state institutions and the elites that control them has never gone uncontested in a free society. In fact, the capacity to contest them is the definition of liberty. State institutions have to evolve continuously as the nature of conflicts and needs of the society change, and thus society's ability to keep state and rulers accountable must intensify in tandem with the capabilities of the state. This struggle between state and society becomes self-reinforcing, inducing both to develop a richer array of capacities just to keep moving forward along the corridor. Yet this struggle also underscores the fragile nature of liberty. It is built on a delicate balance between state and society, between economic, political and social elites and citizens, between institutions and norms. One side of the balance gets too strong, and as it has often happened in history, liberty begins to wane. Liberty depends on the vigilant mobilization of society. But it also needs state institutions to continuously reinvent themselves in order to meet new economic and social challenges that can easily close the space liberty needs to survive.
Today we are in the midst of a time of wrenching destabilization. We need liberty more than ever, and yet the corridor to liberty is getting narrower and more treacherous. The danger on the horizon is not "just" the loss of our political freedom, however grim that is in itself; it is also to the prosperity and safety that critically depend on liberty. The opposite of the corridor of liberty is the road to ruin.
The Narrow Corridor 下載 mobi pdf epub txt 電子書 格式 2025
The Narrow Corridor 下載 mobi epub pdf 電子書##理論框架機械主義,史料運用削足適履。
評分##毛咕嚕和羅賓遜新書,書肯定是好書,觀點不新,但講述的方式很有趣。因為某些你懂的原因,這本書估計很難引進過來?
評分##很多政治哲學工作其實是很差的經驗性的政治學
評分##感覺就是唰啦一把轉瞭一遍地球儀,走馬觀花地看瞭看宏觀的氣象,沒什麼太記得住的東西。
評分##1)框架還是有新意的,強國傢能力其實依賴於公民的信任和self compliance,最強的國傢能力最往往和強社會製約能力共生(shackled Leviathan),純專製國傢的政府能力通常都較為有限(天朝可能是例外)。2)由於社會/國傢力量初始條件不同,相同方嚮的衝擊可能會走嚮不同的均衡路徑。3)現代經濟體係愈發需要強國傢能力的支持,新的形勢要求國傢擴張乾預時,需要能夠結成廣泛的社會聯盟,既能製約監督擴大的利維坦,又能在不同利益群體間協商妥協。我感覺state-society contest model不足以裝下解釋政治發展路徑的野心,把普通民眾、經濟精英、公民社會、宗族酋長種姓等傳統社會力量都一股腦套為society過度簡約瞭。另外中國的章節有不少小史實錯誤,讀起來確實非常“外賓”。
評分##該書的有兩點令人受益,一個是其分析問題的框架,第二個是對多個曆史時期世界各個不同地方的國傢社會的介紹。該書的結論在我看來還是自相矛盾,這也是價值觀不同所無法調和分歧。
評分 評分##談古論今,縱橫內外,經濟學傢不閤格的曆史敘述。削足適履,看似結構宏大,實則單薄無物。
The Narrow Corridor mobi epub pdf txt 電子書 格式下載 2025