The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝国的兴亡 英文原版 [平装] 下载 mobi epub pdf 电子书 2024

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内容简介

Before the Nazies could destroy the files, famed foreign correspondent and historian William L. Shirer sifted through the massive self-documentation of the Third Reich, to create a monumental study that has been widely acclaimed as the definitive record of one of the most frightening chapters in the history of mankind--now in a special 30th anniversary edition."One of the most important works of history of our time."THE NEW YORK TIMES

　　阿道夫·希特勒也许是属于亚历山大、恺撒、拿破仑这一传统的大冒险家兼征服者中最后的一个，第三帝国也许是走上以前法国、罗马帝国、马其顿所走过的道路的帝国中最后的一个。那段已经闭幕了的历史，至今依然在人类的心灵中震颤。　　本书是全世界最畅销的反映纳粹德国历史的巨著它精彩绝伦地记述了被希特勒称为"干秋帝围"而实际上只存在了1 2年零4个月的第三帝国从兴起到覆灭的全部过程。以其大量的、真实的资料成为论述纳粹德国最具权威的作品，是希特勒纳粹德国令人颤栗的故事最杰出的研究成果。　　本书是全世界最畅销的反映纳粹德国历史的巨著它精彩绝伦地记述了被希特勒称为“干秋帝国”而实际上只存在了12年零4个月的第三帝国从兴起到覆灭的全部过程。在短短的12年中；不可一世的第三帝国在人类历史上制造了惨绝人寰的灾难．留下了一段惊心动魄的历史。随着第三帝国的迅速崩溃，人们缴获了大晕秘密文件、私人日记、发言记录以及纳粹党领导人的电话录音，德国外交部485吨档案当时就存放在美军的仓库里，于是一个极端独裁政权的全部秘密和罪恶活动就在它覆灭的同时全部公之于世了这就是本书大量的真实的资料来源。

作者简介

　　威廉·夏伊勒（William L．shirer）,生于美国芝加哥，是著名的驻外特派记者、新闻分析员与世界现代史学家。他为哥伦比亚广播公司担任战地记者期间，报道了许多有关纳粹德国从柏林兴起到灭亡的经过。本书最初于1 959年出版．刚一面世就立即轰动了整个世界。英国著名历史学家特雷弗·罗珀在《纽约时报》上称赞他是将“活着的证人能够与史实结为一体”的非凡杰出的历史学家。他还著有《柏林日记》（1941年）、《第三共和国的崩溃》（1969年）和关于欧洲政治，斯堪的纳维亚的书及三本小说。

精彩书评

"One of the most important works of history of our time."
-Orville Prescott The New York Times

"The New York Times Book Review A splendid work of scholarship, objective in method, sound in judgment, inescapable in its conclusions."
--Hugh Trevor-Roper

"A monumental work, a grisly and thrilling story."
--Theodore H. White

精彩书摘

Chapter 1
BIRTH OF THE THIRD REICH
On the very eve of the birth of the Third Reich a feverish tension gripped Berlin. The Weimar Republic, it seemed obvious to almost everyonse, was about to expire. For more than a year it had been fast crumbling. General Kurt von Schleicher, who like his immediate predecessor, Franz von Papen, cared little for the Republic and less for its democracy, and who, also like him, had ruled as Chancellor by presidential decree without recourse to Parliament, had come to the end of his rope after fifty-seven days in office.
On Saturday, January 28, 1933, he had been abruptly dismissed by the aging President of the Republic, Field Marshal von Hindenburg. Adolf Hitler, leader of the National Socialists, the largest political party in Germany, was demanding for himself the chancellorship of the democratic Republic he had sworn to destroy.
The wildest rumors of what might happen were rife in the capital that fateful winter weekend, and the most alarming of them, as it happened, were not without some foundation. There were reports that Schleicher, in collusion with General Kurt von Hammerstein, the Commander in Chief of the Army, was preparing a putsch with the support of the Potsdam garrison for the purpose of arresting the President and establishing a military dictatorship. There was talk of a Nazi putsch. The Berlin storm troopers, aided by Nazi sympathizers in the police, were to seize the Wilhelmstrasse, where the President's Palace and most of the government ministries were located. There was talk also of a general strike. On Sunday, January 29, a hundred thousand workers crowded into the Lustgarten in the center of Berlin to demonstrate their opposition to making Hitler Chancellor. One of their leaders attempted to get in touch with General von Hammerstein to propose joint action by the Army and organized labor should Hitler be named to head a new government. Once before, at the time of the Kapp putsch in 1920, a general strike had saved the Republic after the government had fled the capital.
Throughout most of the night from Sunday to Monday Hitler paced up and down his room in the Kaiserhof hotel on the Reichskanzlerplatz, just down the street from the Chancellery. Despite his nervousness he was supremely confident that his hour had struck. For nearly a month he had been secretly negotiating with Papen and the other leaders of the conservative Right. He had had to compromise. He could not have a purely Nazi government. But he could be Chancellor of a coalition government whose members, eight out of eleven of whom were not Nazis, agreed with him on the abolition of the democratic Weimar regime. Only the aged, dour President had seemed to stand in his way. As recently as January 26, two days before the advent of this crucial weekend, the grizzly old Field Marshal had told General von Hammerstein that he had "no intention whatsoever of making that Austrian corporal either Minister of Defense or Chancellor of the Reich."
Yet under the influence of his son, Major Oskar von Hindenburg, of Otto von Meissner, the State Secretary to the President, of Papen and other members of the palace camarilla, the President was finally weakening. He was eighty-six and fading into senility. On the afternoon of Sunday, January 29, while Hitler was having coffee and cakes with Goebbels and other aides, Hermann Goering, President of the Reichstag and second to Hitler in the Nazi Party, burst in and informed them categorically that on the morrow Hitler would be named Chancellor.
Shortly before noon on Monday, January 30, 1933, Hitler drove over to the Chancellery for an interview with Hindenburg that was to prove fateful for himself, for Germany and for the rest of the world. From a window in the Kaiserhof, Goebbels, Roehm and other Nazi chiefs kept an anxious watch on the door of the Chancellery, where the Fuehrer would shortly be coming out. "We would see from his face whether he had succeeded or not," Goebbels noted. For even then they were not quite sure. "Our hearts are torn back and forth between doubt, hope, joy and discouragement," Goebbels jotted down in his diary. "We have been disappointed too often for us to believe wholeheartedly in the great miracle."
A few moments later they witnessed the miracle. The man with the Charlie Chaplin mustache, who had been a down-and-out tramp in Vienna in his youth, an unknown soldier of World War 1, a derelict in Munich in the first grim postwar days, the somewhat comical leader of the Beer Hall Putsch, this spellbinder who was not even German but Austrian, and who was only forty-three years old, had just been administered the oath as Chancellor of the German Reich.
He drove the hundred yards to the Kaiserhof and was soon with his old cronies, Goebbels, Goering, Roehm and the other Brownshirts who had helped him along the rocky, brawling path to power. "He says nothing, and all of us say nothing," Goebbels recorded, "but his eyes are full of tears."
That evening from dusk until far past midnight the delirious Nazi storm troopers marched in a massive torchlight parade to celebrate the victory. By the tens of thousands, they emerged in disciplined columns from the depths of the Tiergarten, passed under the triumphal arch of the Brandenburg Gate and down the Wilhelmstrasse, their bands blaring the old martial airs to the thunderous beating of the drums, their voices bawling the new Horst Wessel song and other tunes that were as old as Germany, their jack boots beating a mighty rhythm on the pavement, their torches held high find forming a ribbon of flame that illuminated the night and kindled the hurrahs of the onlookers massed on the sidewalks. From a window in the palace Hindenburg looked down upon the marching throng, beating time to the military marches with his cane, apparently pleased that at last he had picked a Chancellor who could arouse the people in a traditionally German way. Whether the old man, in his dotage, had any inkling of what he had unleashed that day is doubtful. A story, probably apocryphal, soon spread over Berlin that in the midst of the parade he had turned to an old general and said, "I didn't know we had taken so many Russian prisoners."
A stone's throw down the Wilhelmstrasse Adolf Hitler stood at an open window of the Chancellery, beside himself with excitement and joy, dancing up and down, jerking his arm up continually in the Nazi salute, smiling and laughing until his eyes were again full of tears.
One foreign observer watched the proceedings that evening with different feelings. "The river of fire flowed past the French Embassy," André François-Poncet, the ambassador, wrote, "whence, with heavy heart and filled with foreboding, I watched its luminous wake."
Tired but happy, Goebbels arrived home that night at 3 A.M. Scribbling in his diary before retiring, he wrote: "It is almost like a dream...a fairy tale...The new Reich has been born. Fourteen years of work have been crowned with victory. The German revolution has begun!"
The Third Reich which was born on January 30, 1933, Hitler boasted, would endure for a thousand years, and in Nazi parlance it was often referred to as the "Thousand-Year Reich." It lasted twelve years and four months, but in that flicker of time, as history goes, it caused an eruption on this earth The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝国的兴亡 英文原版 [平装] 下载 mobi epub pdf txt 电子书 格式

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好书，很值得一看。送货速度很快。

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很好，很大很厚一部著作。

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很好很好很好很好很好

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美国记者兼史学家威廉·夏伊勒把这些档案的缴获看作"一件历史上绝无仅有的事情"。以往，一个大国即使战败，政府被革命推翻(如德国、俄国在1918年的情况)，其档案也总是由其自己保管。只有对后来的统治集团有利的文件才会被公布。因此，在威廉·夏伊勒之前，多数历史学家往往要等待50年、100年甚至百年更久，才能得到有关的确凿史料，才敢着手写一个国家、一个帝国、一个时代的历史。这些档案则使第三帝国的几乎所有机密在其灭亡时就暴露于光天化日下，后续材料还有对战犯的大量提审记录和画押证词。对有志书写第三帝国历史的人，机会确实千载难逢。

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好书，从北京发货，时间略长，书的印刷质量很好

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第二次世界大战是迄今为止人类历史上规模最大的一次战争。自然，它带给人们的思考是深远的，而我主要是研究一下德国在这次战争中兴亡的原因。1929至1933年爆发的经济危机泱及到整个资本主义世界，同样地，德国也遭受到了前所未有的损失。在经济危机冲击和政局动荡形式下，德国法西斯势力迅速增长。阿道夫·希特勒成了它的头子。他在《我的奋斗》一书中宣扬了纳粹党的法西斯主义理论，即声称德意志民族是优秀民族，将犹太、斯拉夫等民族视为劣等民族;又说犹太人是劣等民族中最危险的，必须灭绝。因此也就有了以后的奥斯威辛集中营，据调查它曾经一天最多"处理"掉2万个犹太人。希特勒书册封面

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书买了还没来得及读。好久没读书了。双11给力啊。这么厚一本，得多久读完啊。

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　　还没有看过《致命的自负》，也许它真的能说服我。说自己是个共产主义者有什么过错呢？共产主义只是希望天下大同而已。刘少奇说过：等待不是机会主义。如果按照刘少奇当年的路走下去，这个世界是否还有希望？

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